In the years since World War II, the social critic has become a rather popular figure in the West. The demand for critical theories of society is readily explainable where the contradictions of social development take the form of sharp paradoxes recognized by the broad public. It may be assumed that interest in critical concepts of society will increase. People who recognize themselves as cogs without rights in the system of bureaucratic organization of state-supported monopoly capitalism, who react acutely to (...) the threat of social catastrophes , endow such concepts with the halo of humanism if only because they often find in them their own moods, given shape and seemingly elevated to the level of general social protest. These feelings represent a concrete dissatisfaction with the present situation, and the sense that the society in which they live is in crisis. (shrink)

Two years ago, a professor at the University of California, Herbert Marcuse, an American social philosopher with traditional German training, came to be regarded as the recognized theoretician of the "New Left" movement. Marcuse's popularity compelled many writers, including ourselves , to make a careful examination specifically of the theoretical content of that teaching, which laid claim to performing the role of a critical and revolutionary theory of society. The development of a critique of the philosophical and theoretical foundations and (...) the internal contradictions of Marcuse's teachings was thus dictated by a real situation, by the actual struggle of ideas, and has perhaps still not lost its significance. Another problem, which aroused the interest of researchers even then but which had not found an answer in our article because of its specific purpose, had to do with the relationship between Marcuse's philosophical concept and the spontaneous consciousness of the "mass" participants in the real protest movement that came to be known as the "New Left" movement. (shrink)

Dissatisfied with purely negative clichés about the development of Russian philosophy in the Soviet period, the author advocates for a scrupulous and objective reevaluation of the textual materials and the historical circumstances of that time, considering this work an important task for historians of philosophy. Despite strong ideological pressure and control that Soviet officials put on philosophy in general, in many cases the history of philosophy provided a kind of niche in which creativity and freedom were still allowed. For this (...) reason, even in the Soviet period the research output in the history of philosophy was very significant and the quality of the work very high. Many outstanding and well-known Soviet philosophers were historians of philosophy. (shrink)

In his book A History of the Culture of the Modern Period, the eminent scholar Egon Friedell wrote concerning Descartes's influence in seven-teenth-century France that all the efforts of the great philosopher's critics notwithstanding, "his school inexorably extended its influence not only through the ‘occasionalists,’ as his closest disciples and followers in philosophy were called, and through the remarkable logic of the Port-Royal school The Art of Thinking and Boileau's tone-setting work The Poetic Art: rather, all of France, headed by (...) the "Sun King," who at one time had banned Descartes's works, became his school. The state, economy, theater, architecture, religious affairs, strategy, and the art of gardening all became Cartesian. Descartes reigned unrestricted, as a sovereign, in all things: in tragedy, where the passions struggled with one another; in comedy, where algebraic formulas were devised for human characters; in the area around Versailles, dominated by the abstract symmetry of gardens; in the analytic methods for waging war and running the economy; and in the so to speak deductive ritual of hairstyles and manners, dances and genteel conversation. One can even say that to this day every Frenchman is a born Cartesian.". (shrink)

An objective, honest, impartial history of our country's philosophy in the Soviet period—in a word, a history meeting the requirements of the times—is yet to be written. But it is much needed. Its creation is one of the most important, but perhaps also one of the most difficult of our tasks. There are still many superimposed layers that must be peeled away: for example, the bitter truth must be told about those who inscribed in this history—of course honorifically—their own names (...) and those of dogmatists who shared their ideas. But fortunately, it is not only naked emperors and their stooges, not only their subjects with their mutilated destinies, who will figure in a historical narration oriented toward the truth and facts. This grim context makes even brighter the noble role played by those figures—personalities in the highest sense of the word—whose names, works, and very lives were simply "expunged" from history. And by those who remained alive and in philosophy in the direst times, those who despite all the persecution, all the tribulations they endured, abandoned neither their honor nor philosophical truth. The unofficial authority of talented, creatively thinking scholars has always been extremely high. One of those highly authoritative philosophers of our country, one who today has an international name, was Valentin Ferdinandovich Asmus. (shrink)

The author traces the evolution of Mamardashvili's critique of Sartre's existentialism, undertaken from the perspective of his creative and unorthodox Marxism.

Hegel's Science of Logic is a unique intellectual center of the philosopher's development. In a sense everything that he had done previously was used in his search for a logical principle and in shaping a system of logic and everything he wrote later brought out the theoretical elements that it implicitly contained.

Это одна из первых попыток осмыслить роль философов в советском и постсоветском обществе, да и в обществе в целом. Для студентов и преподавателей вузов, а также всех интересующихся историей отечественной культуры.